Sunday, November 1, 2026

Religion & Politics: The Black Robe Regiment; Pastoral Faith in Politics History

Took some time to think over these comments to my post calling people of faith to get out and vote. I never mentioned religion or a specific religion such as was pointed out: Christians need to know their place and supposedly not to engage in politics. My comment back was that as for me God comes first. I will bring my faith into the public square including how I interact with our government and how I vote. 


Comment 1: Religion should stay out of the US govt. We believe in freedom of religion for all


Comment 2: it’s okay for your god to come first but for others their religious views differ


Another contribution of comments:

Comment 3: You can let your faith guide your decisions without expecting the government to enforce your beliefs on everyone else. 


I don’t get into debates with people in the comments, but I did respond to the 1st comment because historically, there is no recorded human culture of major civilization when politics and religion never crossed over. 

Anthropological and historical consensus indicates that for the vast majority of human history, politics and religion were deeply intertwined, often viewed as two sides of the same coin. The complete institutional and cultural split between government and religion is a relatively modern, post-Enlightenment concept.

Every bill ever written is enforcing someone’s beliefs on others. Everything the government does is producing and mandating morality. There is not one bill that  is introduced that is not about what a person’s moral compass addresses as perceived to correct an injustice.  


The question David and Tim Barton from Wallbuilders ask is whose morality decides legislation? Policy is never neutral. 


Politics does matter

Politics impact policies

Policies impact people

God loves people

People’s lives matter to God

Engage to promote Godly policies 



 https://www.youtube.com/shorts/N2bf8sM0bwQ 


https://www.youtube.com/shorts/zAm1iC6KPxI



Revival in Conservative Movements: Modern political and religious groups (such as contemporary initiatives or organizations like the WallBuilders Black Robe Regiment Hub) use the term to encourage modern pastors to speak out boldly on political, cultural, and social issues from a biblical perspective 


Do your own research!


You can check out my notes on my blog about the book by David Barton “Setting the Record Straight: American History in Black & White.” 

-the book is filled with the stories of African American Political History that is entrenched with pastors and religious men making a difference in ending slavery and bringing forth the rights of slaves. All promoting “their civic responsibilities based on God’s righteousness” (Barton, pg. 137).


dreamsdontfade.com


The Black Robe Regiment is a historical term coined by the British during the American Revolution. These were influential Protestant clergymen who used their sermons to promote American independence and rally resistance against British rule. 


Historical meaning:

-the name was not a literal military regiment

-it was a nickname given by British officials and King George III to colonial pastors who wore black clerical robes and white preaching bands 

-these ministers preached that unjust government and tyranny violated biblical principles

-they turned their pulpits into centers for Patriot mobilization 

-many of these pastors went beyond in preaching, as they served as military chaplains, raising local militia companies, or fighting directly in the ranks


Key Figures:

Includes: Black, White, and Women 


Lemuel Haynes:

Known to history as the "Black Puritan", he was a Revolutionary War veteran and the first African American to be officially ordained as a minister in the United States. After his military service, Haynes mastered Greek and Latin, studied theology, and was officially ordained as a Congregational minister in 1785. He went on to pastor several congregations, primarily serving all-white churches in Vermont and New York—another historic first. He served as a Minuteman and Continental Army soldier in the American Revolutionary War while writing influential anti-slavery works. After completing his indentured servitude in 1774, Haynes enlisted in the local Massachusetts militia. He marched with the patriot forces during the siege of Boston. 

"The Battle of Lexington" (1775): He authored a patriotic ballad criticizing British tyranny.

"Liberty Further Extended" (1776): Inspired by the newly signed Declaration of Independence, he wrote a pioneering anti-slavery essay quoting "all men are created equal" to argue that natural liberty and freedom belonged equally to Black and white people.

  • The Granville Minutemen: Born to an African father and a white mother, Haynes spent his youth as an indentured servant in Massachusetts. The moment his indenture ended in 1774, he enlisted as a Minuteman. 

  • The March to Boston: Following the Battles of Lexington and Concord in 1775, Haynes marched with his militia company to join the Siege of Boston. 

  • Fort Ticonderoga: In 1776, he enlisted in the Continental Army and was sent to garrison the recently captured Fort Ticonderoga. He served faithfully until a severe bout of typhus forced him to return home.

  • "Liberty Further Extended": In 1776, a young Haynes wrote a powerful, historic essay/sermon titled Liberty Further Extended. Rather than opening with a Bible verse, he opened the sermon by quoting the Declaration of Independence. 

  • Exposing the Hypocrisy: Haynes argued that the natural rights celebrated by the Patriots—Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of happiness—were divinely given to all mankind. He boldly used his platform to state that "an African has equally as good a right to his liberty in common with Englishmen," using the theology of the Revolution to call for the total abolition of slavery. 

Because of his dual legacy as a literal soldier for Washington's army and an intellectual giant of early American theology, Lemuel Haynes stands as one of the most remarkable leaders of the early American pulpit.


John Peter Muhlenberg: 

A Lutheran pastor who famously removed his clerical robe during a sermon to reveal a Continental Army colonel's uniform and recruited hundreds of men. A Lutheran pastor in Virginia who famously threw off his black clerical robes during a sermon to reveal a continental army uniform underneath. He famously told his congregation,

In January 1776, he stood before his congregation to preach his final sermon. He chose Ecclesiastes 3:1–8 as his text, reading the famous passage about how there is a season for everything under heaven. He then concluded with these legendary words:

 "There is a time to preach and a time to pray, but those times have passed away. There is a time to fight, and that time has now come!" He went on to become a Major General. Upon saying this, he stripped off his black clerical gown right at the pulpit, revealing the full blue uniform of a Continental Army officer underneath.

  • The Battles of Brandywine and Germantown: His regiment held vital lines against the British.

  • Valley Forge: He endured the brutal winter of 1777–1778 alongside George Washington.

  • The Battle of Yorktown: He commanded a brigade of light infantry during the final decisive siege that won the war.

Because of his dramatic action, Peter Muhlenberg became the ultimate symbol of the "Fighting Parson." Today, a marble statue of Muhlenberg stands in the U.S. Capitol's National Statuary Hall, immortalizing the exact moment he threw back his black robe to reveal his military uniform. 


***John Witherspoon: A Presbyterian minister, president of Princeton, and the only clergyman to sign the Declaration of Independence.

Witherspoon famously delivered a sermon on May 17, 1776, titled "The Dominion of Providence over the Passions of Men." In it, he argued that the struggle against British tyranny was not just a political duty, but a spiritual one. The sermon was widely published across the colonies, convincing thousands of hesitant Presbyterians and colonists to support independence. As president of Princeton, Witherspoon directly trained the young minds who would build the United States. His students included James Madison (the Father of the Constitution), Aaron Burr, 12 members of the Continental Congress, 10 Cabinet officers, and 28 U.S. Senators. He instilled in them a unique blend of Christian theology and Enlightenment political philosophy. When he joined the Continental Congress, he wore his black clerical robes to the sessions. On July 4, 1776, when some delegates hesitated to sign the Declaration of Independence out of fear of execution, Witherspoon stood up and declared: 

"There is a tide in the affairs of men, a nick of time. We perceive it now before us. To hesitate is to consent to our own slavery... That noble instrument upon your table, which ensures immortality to its author, should be subscribed this very morning by every pen in this house. Of the property I possess, of the reputation I bear, they are now at the disposal of my country, and my grey hairs will soon go down to the sepulchre, but I would rather they went as a victim of the executioner than desert the sacred cause of my country!" 


Jonas Clark: 

 A Massachusetts pastor who hosted Samuel Adams and John Hancock on the eve of the Battles of Lexington and Concord. Clark was the minister of the church in Lexington, Massachusetts. For years leading up to 1775, he used his weekly sermons to preach that civil liberty was a biblical right and that standing against tyranny was a Christian duty. Clark did not just preach; he organized. The famous "Lexington Minutemen" who stood on the town green were almost entirely made up of the men and fathers from his own Sunday congregation. He personally oversaw their civic and defensive training.  He hosted John Hancock and Samuel Adams on the fateful night of April 18, 1775. On the night of April 18, 1775, John Hancock and Samuel Adams were hiding from the British by staying at Pastor Clark’s home. When Paul Revere arrived to warn them that British troops were marching toward the town, the Founders asked Clark if the local townspeople would actually fight. Clark confidently gave his famous reply: "I have trained them for this very hour!" The next morning, April 19, when the "shot heard 'round the world" was fired on Lexington Green, the casualties were Clark's parishioners. After the smoke cleared, he had to perform the funerals for the very first American soldiers to die for independence. Because of this, historians often refer to Jonas Clark as the "pastor who primed the guns" or the man who effectively birthed the physical resistance of the Revolution right outside his church doors. On April 19, 1776, exactly one year after the opening shots of the Revolutionary War, Reverend Jonas Clark stood before his congregation to deliver a deeply emotional memorial sermon. 

Key Themes of the Sermon

  • The Scripture Choice (Joel 3:19–21): Clark anchored his sermon in the Old Testament, drawing a direct parallel between the British crown and the ancient oppressors of Egypt and Edom. He read the verse: "Egypt shall be a desolation, and Edom shall be a desolate wilderness, for the violence against the children of Judah, because they have shed innocent blood in their land." 

  • The "Murder" of Innocent Men: Clark did not mince words, framing the actions of the British troops under Lieutenant-Colonel Smith not as a standard military engagement, but as unprovoked, cold-blooded murder against peaceful farmers who only wanted liberty. 

  • God as the Ultimate Avenger: He reassured the grieving families in his pews that divine providence governs all nations. He asserted that God would not forget the sacrifice of the Lexington militia, promising that God would ultimately comfort His distressed people and avenge the innocent blood that stained the Lexington green. 


Ezra Stiles:

 Led Yale through the American Revolutionary War and is remembered by historians as one of the first great American college presidents. Co-authored the 1764 charter for the College of Rhode Island, which later became Brown University. Studied Hebrew to read scripture directly, pursued philosophy and astronomy, and conducted New England's first electrical experiments using equipment from Benjamin Franklin. Served for 30 years as the pastor of the Second Congregational Church in Newport, Rhode Island, and wrote influential theological works like A Discourse on the Christian Union (1760). Kept 32 years of daily journals that documented 18th-century New England life, weather, population statistics, and interviews with Native Americans and Jewish community members. Honored today as the namesake of Ezra Stiles College at Yale University. 

He used his immense scholarly prestige as a leading theologian, the pastor of the Second Congregational Church in Newport, Rhode Island, and later the seventh president of Yale College, to build the religious and philosophical case for American self-governance. 

  • Theology of Liberty: Following the battles of Lexington and Concord, Stiles was among the elite tier of New England pastors who openly advocated for total independence from Great Britain. He taught his congregation that standing up to an unconstitutional, tyrannical government was fully aligned with the laws of God, natural law, and the social compact. 

  • The "American Israel" Sermon: Stiles is most famous for his massive, sweeping 1783 election sermon titled The United States Elevated to Glory and Honor. Delivered to the Governor and General Assembly of Connecticut just as the war was concluding, Stiles famously framed the new United States as God's "American Israel"—a nation uniquely chosen by divine providence to act as a global beacon of political liberty, democratic governance, and religious freedom. 



Samuel Cooper:

Cooper served as the minister of the Brattle Street Church in Boston. His congregation included prominent Founding Fathers such as John Hancock, John Adams, and Samuel Adams. He was at the vanguard of the opposition to the 1765 Stamp Act alongside other notable ministers, using his sermons to "fan the fire of resistance into a strong flame." When Governor Thomas Hutchinson dissolved the Massachusetts legislature, Cooper was a primary leader of the opposition. Because his preaching and private correspondence heavily influenced the intellectual foundation of the Revolution, he was actively targeted by British authorities. General Thomas Gage even proscribed him and offered a reward for his head. 


Cooper operated like an elite political operative. He successfully merged the worlds of Boston’s radical underground politics, mainstream theology, and international diplomacy. 

  • The Pulpit of the Revolution's Elite: Cooper was the minister of the Brattle Street Church in Boston. This wasn't just any church; its pews were filled with the intellectual and financial engines of the rebellion, including John Hancock, John Adams, Samuel Adams, and Joseph Warren. Cooper used his sermons to give these leaders the theological justification they needed to rebel against the British Crown.

  • Master of Political Propaganda: Cooper was a master of the pen. Under various pen names, he wrote scathing, anonymous political essays for the Boston Gazette, working alongside Samuel Adams to turn public opinion against British policies like the Stamp Act.

  • The "Silver-Tongued" Preacher: Unlike the loud, aggressive street orators of the Sons of Liberty, Cooper was famous for his elegance, charm, and persuasive speaking style. He was able to make radical revolutionary ideas sound reasonable, intellectual, and holy to Boston's upper class.

  • The Secret Diplomat: Cooper's influence went far beyond Boston. He was a close friend and correspondent of Benjamin Franklin. When Franklin was in France trying to secure an alliance, Cooper acted as his key contact in America. Cooper even became a paid agent of the French government, using his high standing as a minister to convince skeptical, anti-Catholic New Englanders that a military alliance with Catholic France was a blessing from God.

In 1780, Massachusetts adopted its brand-new state constitution. John Hancock was elected as the very first Governor. To mark this historic shift into independent self-governance, Hancock chose his pastor, Samuel Cooper, to preach the inaugural sermon.

Cooper delivered a masterpiece, framing the birth of the new American governments as a fulfillment of biblical righteousness and a historic victory for human liberty.

Because his intellect directly fueled the minds of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, the British military viewed him as an incredibly dangerous enemy. When the British occupied Boston, Cooper had to flee the city in disguise to avoid being captured and executed for treason.


Jonathan Mayhew:

 A Boston pastor who coined the famous phrase, "No taxation without representation." His 1750 sermon on civil disobedience laid the early theological justification for rebelling against a tyrannical king.

At the time, traditional theology often taught that kings ruled by "divine right" and that rebelling against a king was a sin against God. Mayhew completely flipped this idea on its head:

  • Tyranny is a Sin: Mayhew argued that the government was a divine institution designed for the good of the people. Therefore, if a king became a tyrant and harmed his people, he was no longer acting as God’s minister.

  • The Duty of Rebellion: He boldly asserted that resisting a tyrannical ruler was not just a political right, but a moral and Christian duty. To submit to a tyrant, Mayhew argued, was an insult to God.

John Adams later remarked that this single sermon was read by everyone in New England and was "seasoned with wit and satire, and a love of liberty." Adams credited Mayhew with being one of the primary forces that shifted the American mindset toward independence.

When the British Parliament passed the hated Stamp Act in 1765, Mayhew used his pulpit at Boston's West Church to lead the resistance:

  • The Slogan: During his fierce rhetorical battles against British overreach, Mayhew popularized the phrase "No taxation without representation," arguing that taking a citizen's property without their consent violated both British constitutional law and God's natural laws.

  • The Communion of Colonies: Shortly before his sudden death in 1766, Mayhew wrote a letter to James Otis suggesting that the various colonies should form a unified network to communicate and resist British oppression. This brilliant idea directly led to the creation of the Committees of Correspondence, which later organized the continental war effort.

Because he provided the initial, explosive theological justification for throwing off the British crown, historians widely regard Jonathan Mayhew as the morning star of the Black Robe Regiment.

Samuel Davis: While he died fifteen years before 1776, Samuel Davies is widely considered the theological godfather and precursor of the Black Robe Regiment. He laid the spiritual and rhetorical foundations for the patriotic colonial clergy, directly mentoring the men who would go on to lead the Revolution.

When Patrick Henry was a young boy, his mother traveled miles to attend Samuel Davies's Presbyterian tent revivals in Hanover County, Virginia. Patrick Henry famously sat under Davies's teaching for years, later explicitly stating that Davies was the greatest orator he had ever heard. Henry openly copied Davies's dramatic speaking style, pauses, and cadence—meaning the famous "Give me liberty, or give me death!" speech was directly inspired by Davies's pulpit style. 


During the French and Indian War (1754–1763), Davies used his preaching robe as a powerful military recruiting tool. He traveled across Virginia delivering fiery sermons that seamlessly blended a Christian's duty to God with a citizen's patriotic duty to defend their homeland.

His oratory was so effective that Virginia’s Lieutenant Governor Robert Dinwiddie officially declared Davies to be the colony’s single best military recruiter. This heavily set the precedent for later Black Robe Regiment pastors—like Peter Muhlenberg—to recruit soldiers directly from church pews.

At a time when the Anglican Church was the strictly enforced, tax-funded government religion of Virginia, Davies stood up as a "Dissenter". He fought intense legal battles to secure the lawful right for non-Anglicans to preach, read the Bible, and gather freely. 

Recognized as an intellectual titan, Davies was chosen in 1759 to succeed Jonathan Edwards as the fourth president of the College of New Jersey (which later became Princeton University). Though his presidency was cut short by his early death in 1761, he maintained Princeton's trajectory as an educational incubator for radical, freedom-loving leadership—setting the stage for his successor, John Witherspoon, to fully lead the college into the Revolution. 


Richard Allen: 

a prominent figure within the broader legacy of the "Black Robe Regiment," uniquely bridging the Revolutionary era and the early American Republic as a champion of both spiritual and civil liberty.

Born into slavery and having successfully purchased his own freedom, Allen went on to become the founder of the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, the first independent Black denomination in the United States.

  • The Pulpit for Universal Liberty: Much like Lemuel Haynes, Allen used the authority of the Christian pulpit to fight for the true fulfillment of the American Revolution's ideals. He argued that the natural rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness must apply to Black Americans, fiercely preaching against the sin and tyranny of slavery.

  • Mobilizing the Community for War: During the War of 1812, when the British military threatened to invade and burn Philadelphia, Allen channeled the exact civic leadership style of the Black Robe Regiment. Alongside fellow minister Absalom Jones, Allen used his pulpit to rally the Black community, successfully organizing over 2,500 African American citizens to build physical fortifications and defenses to protect the city.

  • Challenging Spiritual Tyranny: In 1787, when white officials at St. George’s Methodist Episcopal Church tried to force Black worshippers off their knees during prayer to move them to a segregated gallery, Allen led a historic walkout. He famously declared that they would no longer submit to ecclesiastical tyranny, mirroring the political defiance of the early Patriots by establishing their own independent house of worship, Mother Bethel AME Church.

By successfully wielding the moral authority of the preaching gown to demand racial equality, build civic infrastructure, and organize national defenses, Richard Allen expanded the definition of the Black Robe Regiment into a powerful tool for civil rights.

The establishment of Mother Bethel AME Church in Philadelphia was born out of a direct revolt against racial segregation.

In the late 1780s, Richard Allen was a popular itinerant preacher at St. George’s Methodist Episcopal Church. His 5:00 AM sermons attracted so many free Black Philadelphians that the church's white leadership became uncomfortable with the growing numbers. 

1. The Historic Walkout (1787)

The breaking point occurred on a Sunday morning in 1787. Allen and his colleague Absalom Jones walked into St. George's and sat in their usual seats. Unbeknownst to them, the church had quietly implemented a new policy relegating Black congregants to a newly built, segregated balcony gallery. 

As prayer began and everyone knelt, a white trustee physically grabbed Absalom Jones and tried to pull him off his knees. Jones asked the trustee to wait until prayer was over, but the man refused and called for backup. The moment prayer concluded, Richard Allen led the entire Black delegation out of the building in a unified walkout. Allen later wrote, "We all went out of the church in a body, and they were no more plagued with us." 

2. The Blacksmith Shop (1794)

Following the walkout, Allen and Jones co-founded the Free African Society, a mutual-aid group designed to support Philadelphia's Black community. However, Allen still desperately wanted a dedicated Methodist place of worship for his people. 

In 1791, Allen purchased a plot of land at 6th and Lombard Streets in Philadelphia. To serve as their temporary sanctuary, he bought an old, discarded blacksmith shop, hauled it onto the property, and renovated it into a meeting house. On July 29, 1794, the building was officially dedicated as Bethel Church (meaning "House of God"). This location stands today as the oldest parcel of land continuously owned by African Americans in the United States. 

3. The Fight for Independence (1807–1816)

Even though the congregation had built their own church, the white-led Methodist Episcopal denomination continuously tried to control Bethel’s property, claim its revenue, and dictate who could preach there. 

Allen fiercely resisted this ecclesiastical overreach. In 1807, the church adopted the "African Supplement," a legal document designed to protect their autonomy. The white Methodist elders sued, but in January 1816, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled decisively in favor of Bethel, declaring the Black congregation fully independent from white Methodist control. 

4. The Birth of the AME Denomination (1816)

Now completely free, Allen realized that other Black Methodist congregations in neighboring states were facing the exact same discrimination and legal threats. 

On April 9, 1816, Allen hosted a historic convention at Bethel Church, inviting Black religious leaders from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland. They voted to officially band together to form a brand-new, fully autonomous body: The African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church. Because Bethel was the birthplace of the movement, it was crowned "Mother Bethel", and Richard Allen was consecrated as its very first Bishop

Because Mother Bethel was a fully independent, Black-owned institution, it became one of the most reliable and secure stations on the Underground Railroad network.

  • The Secret Basement: The church's location at 6th and Lombard Streets was strategically situated in Philadelphia, a major entry point for freedom seekers escaping from the slaveholding states of Maryland and Virginia. Beneath the church's floorboards was a hidden basement specifically designed to hide, house, and feed escaping slaves.

  • The Vigilance Committee Pipeline: Richard Allen, and later pastors of Mother Bethel, worked directly with Robert Purvis and the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee. When freedom seekers arrived in the city, they were often routed straight to Mother Bethel. The church community provided them with new clothes, forged identity papers, financial aid, and physical protection from bounty hunters.

  • Armed Defiance: Mother Bethel was not just a passive hiding spot; it was a fortress. Following the passage of the Fugitive Slave Act, the congregation actively organized to protect freedom seekers. If slave catchers were spotted near the church, the congregants would physically surround the building or form mobs to drive the bounty hunters out of the neighborhood.


Sarah Bass Allen:

The Mother of the AME Church

While Richard Allen is celebrated as the public founder, his wife, Sarah Bass Allen (1774–1849), was the operational engine that kept Mother Bethel and the early AME denomination alive. Born into slavery in Virginia, she successfully obtained her freedom and married Richard in 1801.

  • Financing the Underground Railroad: Sarah personally oversaw the care of the freedom seekers hiding in the church basement. She cooked meals, washed clothes, mended garments to help them blend into northern society, and organized local hiding spots.

  • The Daughters of Conference: Traveling AME preachers in the early 1800s were desperately poor, often arriving in Philadelphia with tattered clothes and no money. In 1827, Sarah founded the Daughters of Conference. This formidable women's auxiliary raised money, mended the ministers' clothes, and provided them with food and lodging. This operational support was a critical reason the early AME denomination didn't collapse financially.

  • The "First Lady" of the Denomination:
    Sarah effectively ran the hospitality and community outreach operations of Mother Bethel. Her leadership set a powerful precedent for the vital, foundational role that women would hold within the administrative and spiritual life of the AME Church for centuries to come.


Reverend Absalom Jones:  

is recognized as a vital leader within the broader legacy of the "Black Robe Regiment," serving as a foundational pillar of both spiritual independence and civil rights in early America.

Jones made history by becoming the first African American to be ordained as a priest in the Episcopal Church [1.1]. He spent his life using the moral authority of the pulpit to fiercely advocate for the abolition of slavery and the defense of free Black communities.

Jones’s journey to the pulpit began in 1787 at St. George’s Methodist Episcopal Church in Philadelphia. Alongside Richard Allen, Jones was a popular leader among the growing Black congregation.

On a historic Sunday morning, white church trustees attempted to physically pull Jones off his knees during prayer to enforce a new, segregated seating gallery. The moment the prayer ended, Jones and Allen led a unified walkout of the Black congregants.

While Allen chose to stay within the Methodist tradition, Jones went on to establish The African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas in 1792. It became the very first Black Episcopal congregation in the United States, providing a safe haven where African Americans could worship with absolute dignity and freedom.

 How He Embodied the "Black Robe Regiment"

  • The Pulpit for Abolition: Jones viewed the core theology of the American Revolution—that all men are created equal with a God-given right to liberty—as a direct mandate to destroy slavery. On January 1, 1808 (the day the federal ban on the transatlantic slave trade went into effect), Jones delivered a legendary, widely published sermon. He framed the end of the slave trade as a divine act of God, explicitly comparing the plight of enslaved Africans to the Israelites escaping Egyptian bondage.

  • The First Petition to Congress: Jones was a brilliant civic organizer. In 1799, he led a group of free Black Philadelphians in drafting and signing a formal petition to the United States Congress demanding the immediate end of the Fugitive Slave Act and the eventual abolition of slavery. It is recognized as the first petition of its kind submitted to the federal government by African Americans.

  • Defending Philadelphia in 1812: Much like the early Black Robe ministers who rallied their congregations to fight the British in 1775, Jones stepped into a military leadership role during the War of 1812. When British forces threatened to invade Philadelphia, Jones and Richard Allen used their pulpits to mobilize the Black community. They successfully raised a militia of over 2,500 African American citizens to build massive earthen fortifications to defend the city.

By using his clerical robe to lead a religious walkout against discrimination, organize federal political petitions, and mobilize a defensive wartime militia, Absalom Jones powerfully demonstrated how the pulpit could be used to secure both spiritual liberty and physical safety.

Reverend Absalom Jones’s 1808 Thanksgiving Sermon—delivered at the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas in Philadelphia—celebrated the historic federal ban on the transatlantic slave trade taking effect 

Jones anchored his sermon in Exodus 3:7–8, weaving a powerful comparison between the suffering of the enslaved Israelites in Egypt and the horrific realities of the transatlantic slave trade 

Jones reminded his congregation that the same God who answered the cries of the ancient Israelites had looked upon the suffering of Africans:

"The history of the world shows us that the delivering power of God is always on the side of the oppressed... He has seen the affliction of our countrymen who are in the southern states; he has heard their cries by reason of their taskmasters, and he has come down to deliver them." 

Jones urged that the history of suffering and deliverance be passed down to future generations so they would understand the significance of the annual worship and the abolition of the slave trade. You can find the full excerpt in the referenced web document. 

Knowing that the public spotlight was on the newly independent Black church, Jones concluded by calling on his pews to live exemplary, unified lives, demonstrating moral correctness and mutual love to prove that liberty is a natural right.




















Saturday, October 24, 2026

The Coddling of the American Mind Chapter 6: The Polarization Cycle

 Chapter 6: The Polarization Cycle


“For every action, there is an equal and opposite reaction.” Sir Isaac Newton’s third law of motion 


The New Culture Arrived:

***Good Intentions Gone Awry

-rising political polarization

-cross-party animosity

-rising levels of teens anxiety and depression

-changes in parenting practices

-the decline of free play

-the growth of campus bureaucracy

-the rising passion for justice in response to major national events, combined with changing ideas about what justice requires


The Boiling Point:
A set of new ideas about speech, violence, and safety has emerged on the far left in recent years, and the debate on campus is largely a debate within the left, pitting (mostly) older progressives, who generally have an expansive notion of free speech, against (mostly) younger progressives, who are more likely to support some limitations on speech in the name of  inclusion.”


-within the larger society, there has been a steadily growing more divided, angry, and polarized

-we see the left and the right locked into a game of mutual provocation and reciprocal outrage 

 ***by our coddled youth or intolerant liberalism 


Issue Polarization:

-the distance between Republicans and Democrats, on a set of 10 policy questions has grown very large since 2004 (even with the differences between race, gender, education, and age have not changed much since 1994 per Pew Research Center)

–sides are moving farther away on a broad set of moral and political issues

-it stands to reason that you would feel more and more negatively toward them 

-American National Election Study measures a “feeling thermometer”

-this survey asks respondents to rate a variety of groups and institutions on a scale of 0 (unfavorable) - 100 (favorable)

-American’s feelings about their own party have barely changed since the 1971s

-American's feelings about the other party has become increasingly hostile since the 1990s


1940s-1980s:

-this was a period of unusually low political polarization and cross-party animosity

-generally high levels of social trust and trust in government

-American politics was centrist and bipartisan

-the country faced a series of common challenges and enemies including the Great Depression, World War II, and the Cold War


The Shift:

-the loss of a common enemy

-this lead to more intratribal conflict

-we live in increasingly economically and politically segregated communities right down the city block

-the Republican party becomes disproportionately older, white, rural, male, and Christian

-the Democrat party is increasingly young, nonwhite, urban, female, and non-religious

“The result is the differences in party affiliation go hand in glove with differences in world view and individuals’ sense of social and cultural identity.”


-the media environment has changed in that it fosters division

-1990s: there was cable news channel for most points on the political spectrum

-2000s: there was a website or discussion group for every conceivable interest group or grievance

-2010s: social media sites made it easy to encase oneself within an echo chamber

Ex. Facebook, X (TWitter), etc…

-search engines (filter bubble) and YouTube algorithms designed to give you more of what you seem to be interested in


This led to:

-conservatives and progressives: disconnected moral matrices backed up by mutually contradictory informational worlds

-both physical and electronic isolation from people we disagree with

-forces of confirmation bias, groupthink, and tribalism to push us still further apart 

-increased bitter hostility in Congress

-combative norms filtered down to the Senate

-control shifting back and forth several with so much at stake norms of civility and possibilities for bipartisanship have nearly disappeared

“Parties [have] come to view each other not as legitimate rivals, but as dangerous enemies.”

Negative partisanship: unfortunate change in the dynamics of American politics 

-meant that American politics is driven less by hope and more by the Untruth of Us versus Them

-they must be stopped at all costs 

Affective polarization: the degree to which members of each party feel negatively toward the other party


“Prior to  the era of polarization, ingroup favoritism, that is, partisans’ enthusiasm for their party or candidate, was the driving force behind political participation. More recently, however, it is hostility toward the out-party that makes people more inclined to participate.”


-American are now motivated to leave their couches to take part in political action not by love for their party’s candidate but by the hatred of the other party’s candidate

-Americans now bear such animosity toward one another that it’s almost  as if many are holding up signs saying, “Please tell me something horrible about the other side, I’ll believe anything!”

-American are now easily exploitable through large networks of profit-driven media sites, political entrepreneurs, and foreign intelligence agencies are taking advantage of this vulnerability

-faculty and students at universities have shifted to the left since the 1990s

-there has been built an “outrage industry”

-mainstream media overall leans left

-campus activism increased in 2015

-right-wing media makes fun and stirs up anger over "political correct” practices 

-there is a rising expression of anger directed against conservative speakers trigger the off campus right to direct anger to the left and the cycle repeats 


Outrage from the Off-Campus Right:

Left = on campus protests, shout-downs, open letters, and witch hunts 

-the left dominates most college campuses 

Right = engage in moralistic, aggressive, and intimidating actions aimed at campuses too

Social media = increase of harassment, mob mentality planning, doxxing the so called enemy, threats of violence, inciting through videos


Increase of separation labeling and events:

-”all black” Memorial Day party

-”white privilege”

-”white genocide” (term used by white nationalist groups to express fear that mass immigration and racial intermarriage will eventually lead to the extinction of white people)


Both sides: the right-wing can be wrong too

Ex. Professor posted “All I want for Christmas is White Genocide”

-invented by white supremacists used to denounce everything from interracial relationships to multicultural policies 

-professor stated it is a figment of the racist imagination and should be mocked 

-the right-wing harassed through media outlets, internet mobs, and threats of violence and death directed at him and his family

-the professor ended up resigning at the end of year of the post going viral

Ex. Professor called President Trump “a racist and sexist megalomaniac” who poses a threat to students’ futures

-the news publicized excerpts from her speech which they called an “anti-POTUS tirade”

-the professor  received hate-filled and threatening emails

-due to the threats her future scheduled speeches were canceled


Left-wing Ex.

-2017, Asst. Professor Bond wrote an article, “Why We Need to Start Seeing the Classical World in Color”
-white marble statues are everywhere, but  she had pointed out historically ancient Greek and Roman statues were usually painted with skin tones and bright colors, but when these buried and weathered statues were rediscovered during the Renaissance, the paint had worn off and the white aesthetic became the ideal 

-she claimed that “white” was an erroneous idea if idealized “white” human form

-problem: there was no concept of a “white” race in ancient times 

-her claim was that white statues “provides further ammunition for white supremacists today, including groups like Identity Evropa, who use classical statuary as a symbol of what male superiority.”


Then:

-the outrage machine went into action

-a university professor posted: using white marble in sculptures is racist and creates “white supremacy”

-another professor posted: “White marble” actually influences “white supremacist” ideas

Then:

-then the right jumped on board calling for Bond to be fired, a deluge of online abuse, and even death threats 

-a post  from the right stated, “Liberal professors say bizarre things–and then blame the conservative media for reporting on them.”

-a post from the left stated, “Liberal professors say things—and then conservative media report them as if professors are crazy.”


The polarization cycle influencing university life since 2017:

-left-wing professor says or writes something provocative or inflammatory on social media 

-the statement is often a reaction to perceived injustices committed by right-wit groups or politicians off campus (this is shared on social media)

-right-wing media outlets pick up the story and then retell it in ways that amplify the outrage and may take it out of context or sometimes add distorting facts

-hundreds of people hear about it and write angry posts or comments on social media

-these usually include racist or sexist slurs, and even includes threats of rape or death 

-people call for the university to fire the professor 

-meanwhile, college administration fails to defend the professor and may include an investigation

-the professor is then put on leave and if untenured is at high risk of being fired or not having the contract renewed


***the right focuses on what the professor said or wrote, the left focuses on the racist/sexist reaction to it


So, with their anger fortified, people on both sides are primed to repeat the cycle


“This pattern is different from the pattern when professors arouse the ire of students on campus, and calling someone racist or demanding that they be disinvited is not way equivalent to making rape or threats.”


Distinction is recognized in the Law:

-the First Amendment does not protect credible rape or death threats, those are criminal

-doesn’t matter right or left, the university leadership is usually weak and often doesn’t support the professor

-things spiral rapidly out of control

-observers on the left and the right draw the same conclusion: the other side is evil

-one slip or one simple misunderstanding would lead to vilification and even threats from any number of sources 

-professors are being closely watched because of their politics


Threat Comes to Campus:
-incidents of hate crimes increased in 2015

-5% increase in 2016

-in 201, there was a 20% rise in reported hate crimes compared to the first eight months of 2016

-a widespread perception on campus that hate crimes are increasing 

-on campus, threats take concrete and terrifying forms

-there is a new wave of racial intimidation moving through college campuses


“Political life and discourse in the United States is at a boiling point, and nowhere is the reaction to that more heightened than on college campuses.”


***changes in adolescent mental health and in the nature of American childhood may have rendered many current students more easily burned by the “boiling” that they find once they arrive on campus 


Sum:

-polarization, which means that people who identify with either of the two main political parties increasingly hate and fear the other party and the people in it

-university students and faculty have shifted leftward during the time of rising cross-party hatred 

-universities have begun to receive less trust and more hostility from some conservatives and right-leaning organizations 

-high profile professors being harassed on social media has increased

-rising political polarization is accompanied by increase in racial and political provocation